French Military Bases in Francophone Africa: Polemological Context and Impact

Since gaining independence in 1960, Nigeria has faced critical foreign policy challenges linked to Francophone Africa and the presence of French military bases. These challenges required Nigeria, under Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, to reconsider its adherence to the principles of non-interference and non-intervention as outlined in Article 2(7) of the United Nations Charter. This article prohibits intervention in matters considered the domestic affairs of sovereign nations. While Nigeria accepted this principle in theory, it argued that apartheid in South Africa could not be categorized as a domestic issue. Black South Africans faced brutal oppression, segregation, and indignity, which Nigeria viewed as a direct affront to its national and African identity. Nigeria’s staunch opposition to apartheid was so deeply ingrained that old Nigerian passports included a declaration obligating the holder to fight apartheid by any means available.

Nigeria’s commitment to defending African dignity extended beyond apartheid. When Togo’s President Sylvanus Olympio was assassinated during a foreign mercenary invasion reportedly supported by France, Nigeria could not ignore the assault on a friendly African state. These events led Nigeria to make exceptions in its foreign policy, particularly concerning apartheid and the intervention of foreign mercenaries in Africa. This marked the beginning of Africa as the cornerstone of Nigeria’s foreign policy, emphasizing the protection and defense of African and Black dignity globally. Tensions with France over its nuclear bomb tests in the Sahara Desert in 1960 further highlighted Nigeria’s concerns. The fallout led to a diplomatic rupture in January 1961, underscoring France’s enduring significance in Nigeria’s foreign policy.

Recent developments in Francophone Africa’s attitude toward French military bases warrant investigation, particularly from a polemological perspective. The rising hostility toward French military presence across the region raises several questions about the motivations and implications. The termination of defense agreements with France in countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, and Senegal signals a potential shift in geopolitical alignments. If this is a strategic move by France, it could signify a recalibration of its role in Africa. Alternatively, it may reflect a genuine desire among these nations for self-reliance in security matters. While the determination to achieve sovereignty is commendable, questions remain about the capacity of these nations to maintain their security without external assistance.

The rejection of French troops by traditionally reliable allies like Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, and Senegal represents a significant shift in regional dynamics. France’s foreign policy under President Emmanuel Macron may have contributed to these developments, raising questions about the sustainability of its influence in Africa. This phenomenon aligns with Professor Jean-Baptiste Duroselle’s theory that every empire will ultimately decline. For Nigeria, the evolving relationship between France and its former colonies presents new foreign policy complexities. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu faces the challenge of navigating these developments while upholding Nigeria’s principles. Furthermore, if France and Côte d’Ivoire played roles in Tinubu’s election as ECOWAS Chairman, the recent anti-French sentiments in the region introduce a new layer of uncertainty.

The implications of these developments extend beyond Francophone Africa. France’s potential withdrawal from its traditional strongholds raises concerns about the vacuum created by its absence. While countries like Mali and Burkina Faso have expressed a desire to manage their own security, the ongoing threat of terrorism in the Sahel region complicates their ability to achieve this goal. The role of other foreign powers, including Russia, in filling this void remains a critical question. The dynamics are further complicated by the geopolitical rivalry between France and Russia, as seen in Mali’s rapprochement with Moscow.

For Nigeria, these shifts exacerbate existing foreign policy challenges. The extradition request for Simon Ekpa, a pro-Biafran agitator, introduces another dimension of complexity. Ekpa’s agitation for a sovereign State of Biafra raises questions about the stance of Francophone countries on Nigeria’s internal conflicts. Côte d’Ivoire, which provided asylum to Biafrans after the Nigerian Civil War, may once again play a pivotal role. The possibility of foreign military involvement in a renewed conflict between Nigeria and Biafra raises difficult questions about Nigeria’s longstanding opposition to foreign military bases in Africa.

Historically, Nigeria has opposed the use of Africa as a source of raw materials for Europe’s development at Africa’s expense. The presence of French military bases in Africa has been a contentious issue, with Nigeria arguing that they perpetuate neocolonialism and undermine African sovereignty. However, Francophone African countries have often supported France’s military interventions, viewing them as necessary for regional stability. France’s nuclear tests in the Sahara further divided Africa along linguistic lines, fueling rivalry between Anglophone and Francophone countries.

The decision by countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, and Senegal to terminate defense agreements with France reflects a broader dissatisfaction with its military presence. The reasons for this rejection are multifaceted. In Mali, France’s inability to effectively combat jihadist terrorism and its opposition to the military junta’s rapprochement with Russia led to its expulsion. Similarly, Burkina Faso’s quest for sovereignty, dissatisfaction with French military operations, and alignment with Russia prompted its decision to sever ties with France. Niger’s grievances center on the exploitation of its uranium resources and perceptions of French neocolonialism. Chad’s decision to withdraw from its defense pact with France reflects its desire to assert sovereignty, even as it navigates complex regional dynamics.

In Senegal and Côte d’Ivoire, the emphasis on sovereignty and national pride has driven the call for the withdrawal of French troops. Both countries have framed their decisions as part of broader efforts to modernize their armed forces and assert independence, rather than as a rupture in relations with France. However, underlying these decisions are deep-seated frustrations with France’s political and economic influence.

The rejection of French military bases raises important questions about the future of regional security. Countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, and Côte d’Ivoire must now determine whether they can independently manage the threat of terrorism. The possibility of replacing French troops with forces from other foreign powers, such as Russia, introduces new risks and uncertainties. For Nigeria, the evolving dynamics in Francophone Africa necessitate a reevaluation of its foreign policy. The principles underpinning Nigeria’s 4-D foreign policy doctrine must be re-conceptualized to address the new realities in the region.

The lessons from these developments are clear. The perception of French troops as ineffective in combating terrorism, coupled with the desire for full sovereignty, has fueled anti-French sentiments. The historical exploitation of African resources, unequal trade relations, and cultural dominance have further eroded trust in France. Nigeria must recognize these factors as it seeks to navigate its role in a changing Africa. A redefined approach to foreign policy is essential for Nigeria to maintain its leadership position on the continent. As the largest economy in Africa, Nigeria must rise to the challenge of addressing these complexities and fostering a more unified and self-reliant Africa.